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    OPINION: If Given Power, Bobi Wine And His Acolytes Will Justify Their Own Corruption And Incompetence On Grounds That Museveni And His NRM Confederates Were Corrupt And Incompetent Too…

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    NUP Principal Bobi Wine and Mwenda (inset)

    Presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine has been hosting large rallies across the country. Tens of thousands of his supporters gather in close contact, vast numbers without masks, in total disregard for the COVID19 SOPs. In one video, which I have watched from the beginning to the end, he tells his supporters: “those with masks should wear them and those without masks it is okay”.

    The world is engulfed in this COVID19 pandemic. As I write this article, it has infected over 75m people and killed 1.7m. Over 20m people are hospitalized with COVID19 worldwide, 107,000 in critical condition. Hospitals even in the richest countries are overwhelmed, without enough beds, medical staff, ventilators and other facilities. In poor countries, which seem to have escaped the worst of this pandemic, the situation is alarming.

    In Uganda, even with our low testing, nearly 30,000 people have been infected, 228 others killed. These numbers are low by global and African standards. But our medical facilities and staff are already overwhelmed as we have very few Intensive Care Unit (ICU) beds and medical staff to cope with the scale and scope of the problem. We are in a crisis where we need leaders to set an example.

    We have a government and a president, Yoweri Museveni that have been in power for 35 years. Bobi Wine and his acolytes claim, and in many cases correctly so, that this government (which they derogatorily call a “regime”) is characterized by massive corruption and gross incompetence; that it is dominated by selfish and greedy individuals who are in power to line their own pockets rather than serve the common good. They have been calling for a change in leadership in order to redirect the country onto the paths of selfless public service, underwritten by values of honesty, frugality, integrity and a strong commitment to the common good.

    Museveni and his confederates are campaigning on the “no- change” platform i.e. to maintain the status quo or the situation as it is. It follows that the opposition and most specifically Bobi Wine and his NUP, should demonstrate that they are the pillars of a new Uganda, saviors standing on the highest hill of moral virtue. They need to demonstrate to us that they seek a real change in the conduct of public affairs by placing the vital interests of this country and its people above their individual and collective ambitions.

    Yet during this campaign, Bobi Wine has demonstrated that he has one and only one value that he cherishes above all else – getting into power, whatever the cost. From the perspective of realpolitik, that is fine. But from the perspective of a change agent he claims to be, one who wants to end the greed and selfishness that has characterized the Museveni administration, I vehemently disagree with him. Bobi Wine has exposed himself as just another selfish, power-hungry politician seeking power above all else.

    Many families have lost loved ones in this pandemic, I having lost four in one month of November. Others have their loved ones in ICUs, in HDUs [High Dependency Unit] or have gone through the agony and anxiety of tending to the sick. If the virus spreads, this country has no capacity to manage its effects. It will simply decimate our people. It is therefore incumbent on our leaders to take social distancing, the wearing of masks, avoidance of large gatherings and constantly sanitizing not just as a strategic imperative, but most critically, as an existential necessity.

    President Museveni has tried his best to adhere to the SOPs, to his great political disadvantage – since we know rallies are vital in campaigns. Other presidential candidates should also lead by such an example. But Bobi Wine is leading his supporters and admirers to mass suicide. Not since the mass suicide of “Pastor” Kibwetere’s cult members in 2000 has Uganda witnessed the recklessness and irresponsibility that Bobi Wine has exhibited in this campaign to the applause of his intellectual surrogates and admirers.

    In my many unhappy encounters with some of my intellectual friends who are sympathetic to Bobi Wine’s cause, I have been disappointed. Some of these are persons who have preached to me the virtues of a values-driven leadership. Yet the justification for Bobi Wine’s irresponsibility is that Museveni should not have called an election in the midst of a pandemic, that NRM candidates are violating the SOPs, that the government has blocked their candidate from accessing to most radio stations across the country.

    Let us unpacked these arguments, all of which are legitimate but fail to appreciate the moral pedestal of Bobi Wine’s campaign: do these impediments justify a person seeking the presidency to drive his supporters, and through them the entire country, to mass suicide? Do some of our elites see the risk these rallies are posing? Does Bobi Wine want to inherit a country of millions of sick and dying citizens? Is this the price we must pay for change from corruption and incompetence, the price of mass death to a pandemic?

    I find it strange that Bobi Wine and his acolytes can justify their wanton irresponsibility by referring to the behavior of NRM candidates. If NRM candidates are violating the SOPs without police doing anything, should NUP candidates do similar? Is it not the role of NUP and other opposition politicians to hammer home how selfish NRM is, how its leaders do not care about the public good? How does behaving like NRM make NUP and others any different?

    The claim that Museveni should have not held an election falls flat on its face. At least we have witnessed another country, the USA, go through one. In that election one candidate, President Donald Trump, behaved like Bobi Wine and led his supporters and country to tragedy. Another candidate, Joe Biden, behaved well, avoided rallies, upheld the highest standards of political and moral responsibility – and won. I applaud Biden and condemn Trump in the same way I wish Bobi Wine bad luck in this election.

    When in power, Bobi Wine and his acolytes will justify their own corruption and incompetence on grounds that Museveni and his NRM confederates were corrupt and incompetent too. They will justify clump down on our freedoms and liberties on grounds that Museveni did similar. They will justify nepotism, favoratism, anarchism, chaos, etc. on similar grounds. One can tell a tree that will deliver good fruit from its seedling and we have seen who Bobi Wine is.

    Here is the real crisis of Uganda’s politics: we don’t have real leaders seeking a change from our current dysfunctions. We have a cabal of opportunistic politicians seeking power in order to inherit the privileges of their predecessors. We do not have an intellectual class or civil society that stands above partisan rancor that seeks to hold all sides to account and without fear or favor. In fact, since NRM is a status quo party campaign on a no change platform, we need to scrutinize the opposition politicians who champion change more.

    This country is filled with partisans who have no interest to change the policies and practices of the current government. we only have self-interest individuals – materially or emotionally or both – seeking to remove Museveni and his confederates so that they too can have a chance at the feeding trough. Otherwise no sane intellectual person can defend Bobi Wine’s mass suicide rallies under any explanation.

    The writer, Andrew Mwenda is a veteran investigative journalist,

    Political analyst and founder/owner of The Independent News Magazine.

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    OPINION

    OPINION:  Bigirwa Successfully Deletes NUP From Political Map In Busoga…

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    Bigirwa (C) salutes Bobi Wine (L). On the right is the writer George Mubiru

    As the elders say, “He who rushes ahead doesn’t reach far.” This proverb explains exactly why Bobi Wine’s National Unity Platform (NUP) rapidly conquered Busoga but drastically seem to have lost it within a twinkle of an eye.

    This has also justified the saying that; “A chick that will grow into a cock can be spotted the very day it is hatched.”

    NUP’s egg will never hatch. The recently concluded memorable royal wedding, which Basoga and the friends of Busoga adhored and witnessed exposed the ill  intentions of NUP towards Busoga.

    In an alleged audio conversation between Bigirwa and the mysterious woman whose efforts were focused on failing the royal wedding, Bigirwa talks about how they (he and his president)  faked the 10M contribution delivery to the Busoga premier as a stunt and PR for the party but they did not do it out of love for Busoga.

    This shocked Basoga and opened their eyes to know how exactly NUP feels about BUSOGA.

    The ill intentions of NUP towards Busoga was further exposed after the royal wedding when Bajjo appeared on one of the Kampala based FM radio stations where he falsely insulted and accused Busoga kingdom that they didn’t invite NUP yet there were NUP officials who attended the function like MP Manjeri Kyebakutika, Swengere, Hassan Muwanga, etc.

    He went ahead to demand for the refund of the money NUP contributed towards the royal wedding.

    As if that was not enough, there are so many bloggers and TikTokers who have continuously abused the king and Basoga using Luganda language as well as attaching themselves to NUP and Bobi Wine. Neither the NUP principal nor the party leaders have come out to disassociate themselves and the party from such individuals, maybe as a sign that they support them.

    To redeem themselves, the party leadership sat and demoted Bigirwa from his position as coordinator eastern region, a move which rubber-stamp their guilt.

    In a dramatic turn of events, Bigirwa has vowed not to drown alone. He has promised to expose the true version of NUP and expose all their misdeeds.

    Nothing disturbs me more than the glorification of stupidity against our culture because of their selfishness interests.

    What’s the significance of all the above?

    In a court of fowls, the cockroach never wins his case. NUP loses; NRM and President Museveni win again.

    1.If you shut out the truth and bury it under the ground, it will grow, and gather to itself such explosive power that the day it bursts through, it will blow up everything in its way. Basoga have realized that NUP and Bobi Wine are their enemies. They were hoodwinked by Bobi Wine and given time, the truth has unfolded. After all, how easy is it to make people believe a lie, and how hard is it to undo that work again.

    2.Why is the Guinea fowl not used in rituals despite it’s beauty. The simple answer is in alignment with the popular axiom: “All that glitters is not gold.” Majority of the population in Busoga are so much aggrieved by such actions and have vowed not to support NUP and Bobi Wine anymore. They believe that they have been rediculed enough and have discovered the initial deception of Bobi Wine.

    1. Some Basoga are ready to refund the 10m NUP contributed towards the function as demanded by BAJJO.
    2. If a musoga says NO, he means it. It’s point clear that they have dustbined Bobi Wine and NUP.
    3. NUP is built on opportunism, sectarianism, tribalism and hypocrisy. They are self seekers and therefore the so called struggle is built for personal gains. How ironically it is, they want to reap fat cheques without due work done.

    The reason why president Museveni has remained relevant politically for the last 60 years, is because he takes the line between Uganda and Africa, he doesn’t look at identity. The big problem in Uganda before him was bad politics which he solved immediately.

    As usual, patience is the companion of wisdom, general Museveni will undoubtedly reclaim Busoga in 2026 with a resounding victory. As iron is eaten away by rust, so the envious are consumed by their own passion.

     

    The writer, George Mubiru, is a Jinja based researcher and NRM mobilizer

    Tel: 0754877595

    Email: georgemubiru93@gmail.com

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    NEWS

    OPINION: The Fall Of Bobi Wine; Are Ugandans Losing Confidence In Kyagulanyi’s NUP?

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    The writer George Mubiru (L) and Robert Kyagulanyi (R)

    Our elders affirm in a proverb that, “two things must be done to a yam before it is eaten… either you cook it or you roast it. In either case, it must pass through fire.”

    Will Robert Kyagulanyi successfully fulfill this proverb like his political rival, Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni did in the early 1980s?

    On 5th October, 2023 Bobi Wine got a shock of his life when his planned and seemingly maraud one million march to Entebbe completely flopped. Much as government never ought to allow a disorder in avoidance of it’s negative consequences to the hoodwinked innocent Ugandans, It was a testament that  people no longer trust NUP or Bobi Wine to lead change and indeed it’s true.

    I’m sure he is not happy with the people who mobilized it because neither his Secretary General nor Leader of Opposition was visible to lead the march. Could the people have known the real intentions of their NUP leaders?

    Yes. People have known that the goal of NUP and its propagandists is not to oust Gen. Museveni but rather egocentric.

    In other wards,  accountability to the diaspora donors failed. This was evidenced by reports from different medias on how frustrated the donors are at Bobi Wine’s failure to deliver the change he has always assured them amidst the billions they have given him.

    His route to the west in a bid to help him unseat the country’s longest serving president hit a snag. Kyagulanyi was embarrassed in front of the US secretary of state officials after he failed to articulate matters of national importance.

    His lack of knowledge about the country’s economic system, domestic and foreign policy exposed him. His failure to decide  whether he is on the left or the right of the ideological setting leaves a lot hanging. He is neither on the right nor the left. It just doesn’t make sense.

    He  instead made president Museveni and his son a song in his speech. This opened the eyes of the entire world on how an amateur in politics he is. The Museveni-Muhozi obsession Bobi Wine has is problematic. This is because he failed to grasp the complex conditions around Museveni’s stay in power and the daunting dilemma of freeing the country from his firm grip.

    People have now clearly understood that Museveni is a tactical acumen whose primary source of power is the bullet,  not the ballot much as he has organized a series of elections.

    The question that has been looming is whether Bobi Wine has done enough to transcend opposition politics and chip away at the huge vote that the meticulous President  Museveni and the NRM have gained seems to have been answered.

    People see the NRM party and the president as “the guarantor of peace” and Bobi Wine’s NUP has not done enough to persuade them otherwise.

    The South Africa failed gig completely left him fuming yet it happened in a country he has always praised to have good governance. He was seen fuming helplessly and this too demonstrated to the whole world that he was seen as a promoter of violence and hate.

    In conclusion, the “Wanainch” have learnt that once you surrender your soul to the manipulation of those who benefit from your suffering, you have betrayed the nation.

    Every other day which comes, hundreds of people continue to lose confidence in Bobi Wine’s NUP and by 2026, it will be a walk over for NRM.

     

    The writer, George Mubiru, is a Jinja based researcher and NRM mobilizer.

    Tel: 0754877595, Email: georgemubiru93@gmail.com

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    NEWS

    Minister Mayanja: The Instruments Of Independence To Milton Obote Were A Crown Of Thorns…

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    Kabaka Muteesa II (L) and Milton Obote (C). On the right is Minister Sam Mayanja

    On 8th October 1962, the then thirty seven year old Prime Minister of Uganda Apollo Milton Obote addressed the nation.

    He said, “Country men and friends, at mid-night tonight Uganda shall become independent, we shall have a Uganda flag, National Anthem and Coat of Arms. These will be our symbols, but independence does not begin and end with the selection and raising of a flag; singing of a National Anthem and the display of a Coat of Arms.”

    Milton Obote warned that independence would mean great responsibility for everyone in Uganda, and gave an assurance that his government was determined to fulfil its duties to the people.

    In his own words, Obote said, “our independence shall mean great responsibilities for all of us without exception. Collectively, we shall be responsible to safeguard our independence and to ensure peace and stability within our country. In addition, the government in whose name I now speak, offers you a firm determination to protect life and property and opportunities for your advancement.”

    Obote called upon all Ugandans to; “pass an irrevocable resolution marking our new status and guiding us into the future.”

    He urged Ugandans to; “add to that resolution that we are of Uganda and Uganda is ours”.

    Premier Obote further told the nation that it was vital to; “recognize and pay tribute to friends from inside and outside Uganda who have helped us on our way to independence. Let us remember the best we have received and now inherit from the British administrators.”

    He further pressed Ugandans to; “give the missionaries past and present a special praise for the light they brought and do still maintain.”

    He told the nation that he could not; “forget our men of commerce and industry and also our peasant farmers and the working men and women. Our ability to have a higher standard of living as in the past will depend on their success, security and happiness.”

    He ended his maiden address by praying to God to; “Give us and our country the will to safeguard our freedom and to serve our country in peace. I pray that He may give us reason and in reason we may seek and find; and may what  I have said tonight bind us into the community of hope who shall think and strive and toil in such patterns, that work of more noble worth may yet be done. All these and more; for God and my country;”

    Prime Minister Obote’s broadcast was heard by millions of listeners throughout the country, radio sets in towns and villages were tuned in to hear the message, which was greeted with applause in many places where large crowds had gathered around loud speakers.

    On 9th October itself, at Kololo Stadium, more than 50,000 people watched and applauded intricate and spectacular military tattoos, which culminated at midnight in the lowering of the Union Jack as the British National Anthem was played to signify the closing seconds of British rule.

    Then, as the Uganda Flag was picked out in a brilliant spotlight, the Uganda National Anthem was played as the vast crowds in the stadium stood in hushed and respectful silence.

    When Anthem was over, a spectacular firework display lit up the skies, and bonfires could be seen bursting into flame on hilltops, carrying the message of independence throughout the country.

    For many thousands of people, the celebrations continued throughout the night, and Kampala was crowded with people up to the early hours of next morning. Bars and restaurants saw record business gains as they struggled to cope with the unprecedented demand. It was a joyous salute to the birth of the new Uganda.

    On 10th October, 1962 Milton Obote told the nation that the independent state of Uganda was to be very different from the Uganda Protectorate; “in which we have lived for most of our lives”.

    He noted that he had no illusion to the problems; “that confront us”.

    Indeed the problems which confronted Milton Obote as a person and Uganda as a newly independent country were enormous. Uganda had qualified for independence for years, but Ugandans’ inability to come together to attain their common goal had delayed independence until the ninth of October 1962.

    There was the outstanding issue of the lost counties which were lost from Bunyoro to Buganda during the 1880’s when the Omukama of Bunyoro Kabalega lost the battle against a combined British and Buganda forces whereupon the disputed area was handed over to Buganda.

    With the coming of independence, Bunyoro’s demands for the return for the lost counties became insistent and determined.

    The noises of the Mengo Establishment were loud and clear; “there should never be a word about Buganda’s counties reverting to Bunyoro.”

    The Mengo Establishment even suggested that Buganda was prepared for war to protect the counties.

    Milton Obote had to get Buganda to compromise and differ any decision on the counties for at least two years and get this huddle out of the way so that Uganda could get her independence as one nation.

    Milton Obote had to do this since his new government was to rely on a UPC-Kabaka Yekka collusion where Baganda/Mutesa party (KY) was to control about one-fifth of Parliament and would not hesitate to throw UPC government out of office where Buganda’s interests were threatened.

    Apart from postponing the thorny issue of lost counties, for at least two years after independence, Buganda was extended full autonomy which meant that it was in federal relationship with the central Government where Buganda was like a sub-state, a state within the state of Uganda.

    This meant the Buganda Kingdom was to continue to exist and operate its administration in the same way it had done during the colonial period – a virtually independent Kingdom with all the entrenched privileges that it had enjoyed since the conclusion of the 1900 Buganda Agreement.

    In other words, Buganda entered the; “independence era” much as it had been before. The Kingdom’s constitution was annexed to the Uganda constitution.

    To the rest of Uganda, Obote’s compromise to Buganda was in effect a surrender of Uganda to Buganda.

    Members of Parliament of independent Uganda were in two categories; those from Buganda who were nominated by the Lukiiko (Kingdom Parliament) and the rest of the members including those from the other Kingdom areas who were directly elected by the people.

    This difference made the Buganda Members of Parliament delegates of their legislature rather than the representatives of the Buganda electorate and yet the Parliament of Uganda was basically that of a unitary state. Thus, Milton Obote took the reins of power of a Uganda which was neither a federal nor a unitary state.

    Milton Obote as a person had to bring this compromise in order to bring Buganda into an independent Uganda.

    He balanced his personal charm and nationalism to keep the newly independent nation together.

    A hardworking person who had a reputation for efficiency and a knack for negotiating tricky deals, Obote was confident he would hold the new nation together.

    He had a reputation of a brilliant debater, a fact which led to his election as a leader of the combined African representatives of the LEGCO from which his Uganda People’s Congress was born.

    Therefore the solution to holding Uganda together in this tricky independence compromise, lay primarily on Prime Minister Milton Obote’s skills as a negotiator.

    Unfortunately for Obote, the Kabaka Yekka was a Buganda Royalist party owned by Kabaka Muteesa II.

    Muteesa had never been a democrat. He had risen to power purely as a result of an accident of birth. His Buganda Kingdom had always agitated for a Buganda, independent from the rest of Uganda.

    Yet this was the man who held a fifth of the National assembly members, President of Uganda and commander-in-Chief of the Uganda Army.

    On the other hand, Uganda People’s Congress Party was not fully in Obote’s control. The Secretary General John Kakonge was leader of the radical wing of the party while another contender to the same position was the ambitious and razor intelligent Grace Ibingira who was a close friend of President Muteesa.

    In addition, the other members of Obote’s UPC party were individuals with defined regional political blocks behind them. Each of them believed that they were capable of being Prime Minister of Uganda.

    These were men like; Feliex Onama heading the West Nile group, Eric Otema Alimadi heading the Acholi, Cathbert Obongor heading the Teso, and W.W. Nadiope heading to Busoga.

    Milton Obote opted to build his own power base within the party by adding on his own royalist cycle in the party with defectors from Kabaka Yekka and the Democratic Party.

    However when the referendum in 1964 on lost counties went in favour of Bunyoro, the animosity of Buganda towards Milton Obote and UPC Government germinated and grew.

    The Baganda regretted that Buganda had failed to lead Uganda to Independence and that political power in the post-colonial state had shifted from people in the centre to peripheral ethnic groups that lacked the material and experience to lead.

    According to this view, an enlightened Muganda leader might have Bugandised Uganda the way Bismarck Prussianised Germany without using excessive force.

    Ironically this view was held by the same Baganda Mengo Establishment who had ditched their fellow Muganda Ben Kiwanuka in favour of Milton Obote.

    The regrets of Buganda not having had a Muganda to lead Uganda at independence and now the counties going to Bunyoro, the anti-Obote group in the UPC joining President Edward Muteesa who doubled as the Kabaka of Buganda, led to a staged coup against Prime Minister Milton Obote’s government.

    President, Edward Muteesa II, joined other anti-Obote groups and requested the government of the United Kingdom to supply them with guns so that they could fight and overthrow Milton Obote.

    Her Majesty declined the request and President Muteesa and his group turned to Gail and Roberts, a gun manufacturing company in the UK to supply them with arms.

    This firm also declined but through other means President Mutesa and his group managed to get hold of some guns and ammunition. It was purely military and Edward Muteesa of the rank of Maj. General was at the head of it.

    In addition to the military option, the group bent on overthrowing Prime Minister Milton Obote’s government and considered the alternative of getting rid of Milton Obote through a motion of no confidence in Parliament.

    Thus Dauid Ochieng, the Secretary General of Kabaka Yekka, an Acholi, and a boyhood friend of President Muteesa whose oratory was legendary, was chosen to present the motion to Parliament.

    In his speech Dauid Ochieng stated, “If I live a hundred years, or for a hundred hours only, this motion shall always be my greatest contribution to my country Uganda…..  Supremacy of the law, and the long arm of the law are the principles at stake. In accepting this motion we approve and endorse both……”.

    The motion was passed while Prime Minister Obote was on tour of Northern Uganda.

    On 12th February 1966, he returned to Kampala to face his critics. On the 22nd February, 1966 the Prime Minister and his advisers decided that the members of the cabinet who had been actively engaged in the plot to overthrow their own government should be arrested.

    Milton Obote moved very first and suspended the constitution. On March 2nd 1966 he abolished the offices of President and Vice President, and assumed all executive powers of state.

    It is said that Obote took this action, with reluctance and torment, and had suspended the Constitution, not because he loved it any less, but because he loved Uganda more. A new constitution -“the 1966 pigeon hole” constitution was passed by Parliament.

    With his co-plotters arrested Edward Muteesa was isolated. His only advisers at this critical time were Mengo men like Sebasitiyano Sebanakita (Ssaza chief of Buddu county), James Lutaaya (Ssaza chief of Singo) and Amos Ssempa (former Secretary of the Lukiiko and first Ugandan Minister of Finance in the UPC-KY administration), who although made good teammates at football pitch or hunting expeditions, they were men utterly useless when it came to advising on national issues.

    Using his position as President of Uganda, Edward Muteesa appealed to the Secretary General of the United Nations for intervention.

    The UN did not respond. With no help forth coming from UN, Edward Muteesa reverted to his position as Kabaka of Buganda and mobilised the Lukiiko’s support which passed a resolution that said; “this lukiiko resolves not to recognise at all the Uganda Government whose headquarters must be moved away from Buganda soil.”

    Obote’s government called this move “an act of rebellion”.

    Having passed these resolutions all of Buganda was incited for war.

    War drums were heard in many parts of Buganda. Roads were blocked or damaged.

    Law and order broke down. Wanton destruction and damage of government property followed.

    Chaos and anarchy were let loose. Lawlessness was the order of the day.

    Obote’s government would not tolerate this state of affairs. The rebellion had to be quelled.

    Army intelligence indicated that Edward Muteesa had stock piled weapons in the Lubiri and moved to the palace. The palace guards opened fire and the Uganda army unit was virtually wiped out in the exchange of fire that followed.

    Milton Obote ordered Col. Idi Amin to take command of quelling the rebellion. Under Idi Amin’s direction, the army surrounded the palace and after a lengthy spasmodic exchange of fire, the palace was captured. Edward Muteesa escaped undetected by jumping over the wall of the palace and eventually found his way to the United Kingdom were he settled and later died, a poor and broken man.

    These events in a way led to the advent of Idi Amin whose quelling of the Mengo rebellion led to his promotion to full commander of the Uganda Army and to the rank of Maj. General.

    On 25th January 1971 the Maj. General overthrew the government of Milton Obote and established a military regime which was itself overthrown by a combined Uganda rebels-Tanzanian Army in 1979.

    Short lived regimes of Yusuf Lule, Binaisa, and Muwanga followed before Milton Obote bounced back to power in 1980, only to be overthrown for a second time by the Army commander Gen. Tito Okello.

    Prior to that event, Milton Obote had on 24th December 1984, at the occasion of Christmas carols presentation at State house Entebbe, announced what was to be his greatest decision in life-to accept Jesus Christ as his personal Lord and saviour, regretting only that he had done this belatedly “in the evening of my life”.

    It was only on 26th January 1986 that a fundamental change was ushered on the Uganda political scene of Uganda when the National Resistance Movement under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni took the reins of power.

    It is this fundamental change which has created an environment where Ugandans are truly bound together into the community of hope where they are able to “think and strive and toil in such patterns that work of more noble worth”, is finally being done.

    The writer, Dr. Sam Mayanja is the Minister of State for Lands

    smayanja@kaa.co.ug; www.kaa.co.ug

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